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Hardly a day passes by when acts of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir don’t make it to the front pages and are considered as breaking news by both print and electronic media.
On 22 November, Naga interlocutor RN Ravi was asked by the parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs led by P Chidambaram to appear before it to explain the status of the 2015 Naga framework agreement, reported The Hindu. Ravi and Home Secretary Rajiv Gauba will have to appear before the panel on 27 November, claimed the report.
And yet the indomitable flag bearer of human rights and campaigner for the removal of AFSPA, Irom Sharmila, won just 90 votes, 50 less than the 140 odd voters who pressed the NOTA button from her electoral constituency. Irom Sharmila was pitted against Manipur Chief Minister Ibobi Singh.
BJP’s ‘India Foundation’, of which Ram Madhav is the director, organised the first ever North East Development Summit in Manipur which was inaugurated by President RN Kovind on Tuesday, 21 November.
On 18 November, copies of prominent Imphal newspaper, Poknapham, were burnt by BJP youth wing workers as it allegedly criticised Prime Minister Modi, prompting other news dailies to run blank editorials on 20 November.
Against this background, it would be instructive to scrutinise what is not known about the much touted accord between the government of India and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak Muivah) [NSCN (IM)] on 3 August 2015. Was it a storm in a teacup to herald a notional achievement? Two years and four months hence, it is still a riddle wrapped in an enigma surrounded by mystery.
In May, the NSCN (IM) spokesperson apparently spoke for all Nagas and said, “...as of now, the Nagas have agreed on coexistence and shared sovereignty of two entities.”
Speaking at its citadel, Camp Hebron near Dimapur (which is a state within a state), on the 38th Republic Day of Nagalim on 24 March 2017, the supreme leader, Thuingaleng Muivah, pointed out that the agreement also recognises “the legitimate right of the Nagas to integration of all Naga territories”.
Meanwhile, the government has extended the ceasefire for one year with two other NSCN groups and declared Nagaland and Manipur as ‘disturbed areas’ for another six months. Sensing that talks were far from the final stage, the government’s interlocutor, RN Ravi, decided to buy time by extending the ambit of talks to six breakaway groups of NSCN and also supplemented the dialogue with Manipur citizens’ groups.
An early breakthrough is optimistically forecast after BJP’s spectacular victories in Assam’s assembly polls, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur setting the stage for a BJP-NPF alliance to win elections next year in Nagaland.
While theoretically it would be possible to link Naga-inhabited areas in Manipur constituting autonomous councils with contiguous Nagaland, it may be less practical to have similar tribal councils in Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. But this appears to be the only creative solution within the Constitution, although even in BJP-ruled states such creative linkages will be difficult to forge and unlikely to satisfy Muivah for a Greater Nagaland.
If we are to believe him, the government has agreed to give the Nagas more than it has given to the Kashmiris, for example, its own army, and much more. This is probably part of a propaganda campaign to please the Nagas.
In Manipur, 90 percent of land is occupied by 10 percent of the hill population of Nagas and Kukis whereas Meiteis, the original inhabitants of Manipur (who constitute 90 percent of the people), hold only 10 percent of the land. This cruelty of geography over history, some say will be exacerbated by decoupling hill areas, geographically reducing Manipur to the confines of the valleys.
The Congress has decided to protest in all 60 assembly constituencies demanding the framework accord be made public. There is a military dimension to the Naga demand which is pivoted in Manipur where there are myriad armed rebel entities – 38 valley-based Meitei groups, 17 hill-based Kuki groups and several Naga groups.
The Army and security forces are fighting armed groups which are networked and many enjoy political patronage. The 1643 km India-Myanmar border is unfenced – 520 km with Arunachal Pradesh, 250 km with Nagaland and 510 km with Manipur with free movement 16 km on either side of the border.
Absent in J&K, the IED poses the biggest threat and is cause of major losses among the soldiers. Nagaland is called the mother of insurgencies in the northeast. And Manipur is the bee in the bonnet!
Take the 70km-long Khoupum valley in Manipur, a conglomerate of 17 villages, inhabited by Rongmei Nagas sympathetic to NSCN (IM). It is the birthplace of all Naga and Kuki militancy.
The rebels have excellent early warning and a first-rate intelligence grid, which allow military cordons to be frequently intercepted by women to enable the escape of rebels.
Politics is entwined with military operations and rebels being ‘our own people’ (unlike in J&K where 60 percent of terrorists are Pakistanis) are a serious handicap to the conducting of operations. The Home Minister of Manipur was Gaikhangam, a Naga and a Congressman from Khoupum.
Sometimes, orders are received to provide a safe passage to rebels. Khoupum is a Congress stronghold but BJP has made inroads with Lok Janshakti Party in tow. The NSCN (K) and NSCN (IM) cooperate, as do some others. Most development funds under central schemes get siphoned off to rebel groups, mainly IM and ZUF.
This military presence facilitates extortion and domination of key hill areas of Manipur. The NSCN (IM) also operates in the Naga-inhabited areas of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh but are outside the 2015 Framework accord and 1997 ceasefire, which covers only Nagaland.
The government continues to deny claims such as this – that Ravi and Muivah, issuing a joint statement in August 2016, were closer than ever before to an agreement which could happen sooner than later.
Unlikely, even if we are to go by his own maximalist statements.
It would appear that the government may have been more generous in the framework accord than was previously offered, to be able to achieve a political splash – a breakthrough – when none existed. Still, the accord is the only thing going for the present, even though some regard it to be a bridge too far.
(Major General (retd) Ashok K Mehta is a founder member of the Defence Planning Staff, the forerunner of the current Integrated Defence Staff. This is an opinion piece and the views expressed above are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for the same.)
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Published: 23 Nov 2017,09:50 PM IST