Manipur: A Tragedy of ‘Distance’, Divisive Politics, and Transactional Approach

Image used for representation only.

(Photo: Chetan Bhakuni/The Quint)

‘Distance’ from the metaphorical ‘Dilli’ has been a historic curse for disaffection within the Seven Sister States of the Northeast.

It’s not just the geographical distance, but ‘the distance’ owing to lack of understanding, ignored history, misunderstood ethno-culturality, and even one borne of smallness-of-spirit that has traditionally been demonstrated by ‘Dilli’, since independence.

Healing and Inclusivity Within the Constitution

In the rare instance when ‘Dilli’ did make a genuine outreach without attempting to milk the electoral harvest in the ‘rest of India’, it succeeded. It triumphed with the Mizoram Accord in 1986. While peace after decades of violent insurgency was the outcome, the ruling party in ‘Dilli’, then the Indian National Congress (INC) surrendered its legislative term and with the fresh announcement of elections, the Mizo National Front (MNF), led by the till-then insurgent leader, Laldenga, won and he became the Chief Minister.

The accommodative contours of the Indian Constitution allowed a restorative middle ground that ushered in peace. Interestingly, the current Chief Minister of Mizoram is Zoramthanga, the second-in-command to Laldenga, in their insurgent days.

Patience, dignity, and a sense of accommodation for those who had perceived historical injustice and inequity, without weighing the electoral consequences of making peace in the ‘rest of India’, had won the day for Mizoram and India.

The Genesis of Manipuri Dissonance

The roots of Manipuri unrest can be traced to the Treaty of Accession signed by Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh (ruling Meitei lineage) on 21 September 1949, supposedly under duress, as widely believed by locals.

Tapping the undercurrents, the likes of Hijam Irabot, a communist (who had tellingly renamed the leading Meitei organisation from Nikhil Manipuri Hindu Mahasabha to just Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha – dropping the ‘Hindu’ insistence), posited ‘people’s struggle’ as was the want of leftist radicals. There was an underlying sense of disillusionment owning to the perceived accession that was further fueled by a continuing (even credible) sense of alienation and deprivation amongst most Manipuris, as part of the larger Assam state.

The widely perceived indifference of ‘Dilli’ allowed the brewing of insurgent sentiments and in the new state of Manipur (attained statehood on 21 Jan 1972, pursuant to North-East Area (Re-organisation) Act 1971), demography ensured that tribals increasingly imagined themselves as second-class citizens and further sparred for the limited resources at their disposal leading to inter-ethnic tensions, hence the Kuki-Naga civil war.

The Indian Armed Forces have undertaken an increasingly arduous task to control insurgents from across the Myanmar border, from within the state itself, and also in intervening between violent face-offs within the multitude of armed ethnic groups who also resort to drug trafficking, smuggling, looting and setting up illegal tolls on highways. It remains arguably the only apolitical force that acts without fear or favour from any group or consideration – however, given the long history of insurgency and violence that invariably pitted the Armed Forces against locals, as it, unfortunately, did in the firing incident at Malom which resulted in ten civilian fatalities in 2000.

The partial repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) was a popular sentiment (last year, 15 police station areas in six districts of Manipur were removed from AFSPA). However, the state police forces and other administrative/governance wherewithal remains highly discredited and subject to partisan perceptions, especially by non-Meiteis.

New Political Winds and Their Consequences

However, along with the change in national politics over the last decade or so, Manipur as a rare region in the Northeast with a Hindu (Meitei) majority was amongst the first in the Seven Sister States to reflect a new political sensibility and assertion. The BJP which drew a blank in the 2007 and 2012 State Assembly Elections in a house of 60 seats – came strongly with 21 seats in 2017 and an even more propelling 32 out of 60 seats, in the 2022 elections!

The shift is also reflected in the incumbent Chief Minister, N Biren Singh, who started politics in a local party, then moved to the Indian National Congress, and then made a switch to BJP in 2016.

This has naturally led to an overarching suggestion of Meitei majoritarism, amongst the non-Meitei ethnicities.

An Inevitability Waiting to Happen

With the prevailing political backdrop, a Manipur High Court ruling ordering ‘Schedule Tribe’ reservation for Meiteis has yet again ignited the implosive tendencies.

Aided recklessly by divisive rhetoric and conspiracy theories of ‘illegal infiltrators supported by drug smugglers’ and ‘poppy plantation’ (crude references to Kukis who also populate parts of Myanmar and certainly partake in plantation in hilly tracts) – the Kukis protested only to have counter-protests by Meiteis, and then, all hell broke loose.

Again, it was the Indian Armed Forces who had to step in the heavy crossfire to clamp down on both sides and restore a semblance of order. In this madness, the burning of Temples and Churches was par for the course and the ‘divide’ between the native ethnicities, widened like never before (at least in the last couple of decades).

This is not to suggest that the Kukis (or even the Nagas) have not been guilty of multiple excesses and protectionist illegalities or that Meiteis are not extracting their pound of flesh, given the electoral arithmetic at play – each side has had its own share of missteps, but instead of healing the historical ‘divide’, the unhinged politicians have stoked, ignited and knowingly provoked the faultlines towards the current violence.

‘Transactional ‘Dilli’ and Why It Matters Beyond Manipur

Not only is the complexity of Manipur little understood in ‘Dilli’ but as the state undergoes terrible pain, ‘Dilli’ remains busy with the bigger electoral stakes in Karnataka. It is such abject abandonment during wounded times that has typically alienated and disaffected the raw emotions of the Northeast.

A hauntingly beautiful state, with rich culture and diversity that has always punched above its weight in terms of the individual achievements of its people India is today paying the price for transactional politics and ‘distance’, in all its manifestations.

The ‘Idea of India’ necessitates inclusivity, outreach, and ‘unity in diversity’, instead of templatizing the entire landscape with a singular brush of uniformity – Manipur is sadly, a grim reminder of that.