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In Billipuram Nagaraju’s village Marpally, which is about a 100 kilometers from Hyderabad, there is a little-known organisation called Ambedkar Youth. Consisting of about 50 youngsters, the association and its volunteers keep a low profile. It was this collective which sounded the first Jai Bhim, a salute to Dr B R Ambedkar considered an expression of solidarity, on the night of 4 May, soon after the Dalit youth was murdered at Saroornagar in Hyderabad.
Nagaraju, a Hindu, was murdered allegedly for marrying a Muslim woman Syed Ashrin Sultana. Her brother, Syed Mobin Ahmed and relative Mohammed Masood Ahmed, allegedly committed the murder in full public view at a busy traffic junction in Saroornagar.
The Ambedkar Youth came together to help Nagaraju's distraught parents B Srinivas and Anasuya. At the time, no political party leader had reached Marpally. The village was near silent except for the commotion at Nagaraju’s two-room home. Many at the village were just processing the news; they had just heard for the first time that Nagaraju got married secretly at an Arya Samaj temple, and that he was brutally killed.
Meanwhile, at Gandhi Hospital in Hyderabad, where Nagaraju was brought dead, a small group of Bharatiya Janata Party workers were gathering. Why? Calls were already made to Akula Srivani Anjan, a BJP leader who is the corporator of Saroornagar where the murder took place. Nagaraju, a Hindu by religion was allegedly killed by two Muslims. Anjan, too, was quick to act.
As the Ambedkar Youth and the village elders reached the sprawling premises of the hospital, they were greeted by the BJP corporator’s people. She herself led the protest demanding #JusticeforNagaraju.
Jai Bhim was soon drowned in the Jai Sri Ram slogans. Here’s how Nagaraju’s caste identity got pushed to the background, even as the Ambedkar Youth members continue to be the ones helping the family.
On 4 May, several WhatsApp messages were sent from right-wing groups to extend support to Nagaraju’s family. In one such message, which was forwarded many times on WhatsApp, a youngster said, “Jai Sri Ram...At Saroornagar near HUDA complex our Hindu youth was killed…by his wife’s Muslim brothers. If we (Hindus) were to do this (murder) to a Muslim who married a Hindu woman, then secular (people) would have created a fuss. Please come here.”
The large turnout at the hospital was the result of this local level saffron mobilisation that the BJP ensured, and then capitalised on.
The family later kept the police at bay. A relative of Nagaraju said, “The police personnel offered us money for the funeral. I outright refused because they had not shown us the culprits despite the arrest.” The BJP campaign by then was demanding that the accused be handed over to the mob outside the hospital.
Meanwhile, when The Quint spoke to residents of Marpally on 5 May, a majority confirmed that they believed it was a caste crime. Ashrin Sultana herself referred to Nagaraju’s caste being discussed at her home. The Quint also gathered that the accused had visited Marapally to find out more about Nagaraju, and had ascertained his caste at the time. Yet, within two days of the crime, Jai Bhim became but an occasional shout at Marpally.
Nagaraju’s caste no longer seemed a talking point, as the BJP was considered “a help” by several people in the village, especially because two Muslims were accused of murder. In contrast, in 2018 when Pranay Perumalla, a Dalit Christian youth, was allegedly murdered for having married Amrutha, a Vaishya (dominant caste) Hindu woman, the protests were against the caste atrocity. Why the difference?
Nagaraju’s family was aware of the interfaith marriage as the couple kept in touch with his relatives. In fact, Nagaraju and Sultana were travelling from a relative’s home to their rented apartment when he was murdered. The family was not caught unawares by the marriage and the related complications.
One, the family lacked the support of anti-caste organisations from the very start. Among political outfits, only the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) relayed its solidarity and Mala Mahanadu condemned the incident. The ground presence of Ambedkarite organisations was minimal. The Ambedkar Youth were small in number, and focused on work the family needed done. Hence, it was easy for the BJP and its saffron affiliates to gain traction.
In a country riddled by caste fault lines, the question could be considered redundant. Besides, an atrocity (under section 34 of IPC) committed against a Scheduled Caste person is considered a caste atrocity, punishable under Prevention of (Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) Atrocities Act-1989.
However, as the accused are Muslims, and because the BJP has been foregrounding the religious difference between Nagaraju and Ashrin Sultana over their caste difference, the question got debated more than usual. This, despite Ashrin Sultana’s family having the title Syed which, going by just administrative classification, falls under Other Castes (OC) or dominant castes among Muslims in Telangana.
Contrary to this, in Pranay Perumalla’s case, talk about marriage between the Christian husband and the Hindu wife took a backseat soon. The crime was clearly identified as a caste atrocity.
Perumalla's wife Amrutha and the deceased’s family had the support of several lesser-known anti-caste and Dalit organisations in the state. Their home was aflutter with blue flags, and slogans against caste atrocities echoed in the locality for hours together. Most importantly, Pranay's family was better placed financially to deal with the situation. They kept a distance from most political parties.
Besides, unlike a traumatised Ashrin Sultana who is still grappling to understand the caste reality of Nagaraju’s abruptly ended life, Amrutha was well aware of the complexity of her husband’s caste location. She held firm that caste killed her husband, also because a strong protest against the caste killing was already in place.
When a large majority of right-wing visitors at Nagaraju’s home keep foregrounding their religious difference to demonise Muslims in general, how can Sultana hold firm? The Saroornagar BJP corporator Akula Srivani Anjan’s professed agenda, as per her website is, “Bringing the far-right to the mainstream.” The BJP State President Bandi Sanjay has been by the family’s side since 4 May.
Ashrin Sultana and Nagaraju’s family, however, have been demanding justice from all who go to meet them. Also, from the Marpally youth, several of whom are Nagaraju’s distant relatives, the demand is to award a government job to one member of the family. Nagaraju’s family was dependent on his income as a car showroom executive.
Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS), which is in power in the state, could help the family, which is being wooed by the BJP. The Congress, which currently is in power in the Marpally panchayat, could also help.
But what can justice be without acknowledgement of the role of caste in the killing?
If anyone wants to remedy a situation, it is necessary for that situation to be acknowledged in the first place. An atrocity can be righted only if all the factors that led to the atrocity get considered. Justice should not be partial or piecemeal.
Shouldn't the fact that the police, at first, acknowledge a caste crime be considered crucial? Denial of this reality would be to sidestep an atrocity.
Moreover, shouldn't there be an effort to mobilise an anti-caste front that cuts across party affiliation? The Ambedkar Youth, even though an informal collective, may need support. AIMIM Chief Asaduddin Owaisi, who has been supporting Dalit-Muslim unity has condemned the crime. Would he speak of the underlying caste atrocity?
Won't the ruling TRS government, which has incentivised inter-caste marriages, extend political support to the family? Replying to a tweet request sent to TRS working president, K T Rama Rao, he said that he would meet Ashrin Sultana to reassure her. While the meeting is yet to happen, it is important to acknowledge that supporting Sultana also means extending support for inter-caste and interfaith marriages.
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Published: 11 May 2022,10:57 PM IST