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As the second wave of COVID-19 turns its destruction from urban to rural India, one state stands out for its exceptional handling of the global pandemic – Kerala. Its death rate of less than 0.4 percent is among the lowest in India despite its extremely mobile population.
A piece of its state infrastructure is particularly notable – Kudumbashree, meaning, “prosperity of the family.” Structured around Self Help Groups, it aims to place women at the centre of local economic and political development. Indeed, women have organised core aspects of COVID-19 management across Kerala – manufacturing masks, creating communal kitchens, and building resources to purchase oxygen cylinders. Women’s direct access to wealth propels this progress.
In particular, it means less female political representation and fewer female policy priorities realised, as our new study, “Culture, Capital and the Political Economy Gender Gap” in The Journal of Politics shows.
The “political economy gender gap” is two-fold: Women are underrepresented in politics, and also have different policy preferences than men. Women tend to favour redistribution, insurance, and social security, for example.
Women’s lower rates of political engagement mean that their preferences are less likely to translate into political action.
Familiar explanations for the gender gap focus either on cultural conventions or on women’s relative lack of resources.
Cultural norms determine who inherits and makes decisions about family finances. This affects who has the resources required for political action.
We investigate the relationship between cultural norms and political representation by leveraging a unique disjuncture within patriarchy in Meghalaya. It is home to the matrilineal Khasi, Garo, and Jaintiya tribes, which transfer wealth and property from mothers to daughters. Living side-by-side are patrilineal communities that pass wealth from fathers to sons.
To study the impact of cultural norms on gender-specific political attitudes and behavior, we conducted a large face-to-face survey with embedded experiments in addition to extensive qualitative research.
Our research shows that lineage norms – which drive who gets to make decisions about wealth and how – are key determinants of the political economy gender gap.
We first tested the claim that political engagement should vary based on whether lineage norms empower a given gender to own wealth.
Political participation is costly, requiring time and resources. We therefore expected that women in matrilineal communities would demonstrate the same advantage in political engagement as men in patrilineal groups.
Do lineage norms help explain the gender gap in policy preferences about redistribution?
We conducted an experiment in which we varied whether expressing support for the welfare state would entail a personal cost for the subject or not. We expected that individuals would be less likely to support welfare policies if it required renouncing wealth they control.
We found that men’s and women’s preferences diverge in patrilineal groups.
Next, we conducted a behavioural experiment to determine whether respondents were willing to take costly action – filling out and sending a postcard – to express their preferences about redistributive policies.
Preferences about redistribution converge in matrilineal societies because only there must men and women cooperate to spend the family’s financial resources, we conjectured.
Our results were striking. In matrilineal cultures, both genders were less likely to see the husband as the final decision-maker for household wealth allocation when the breadwinner was female.
Importantly, therefore, norms structured household financial decision-making authority.
Together our findings underline how men and women in patrilineal communities have different preferences about state-led welfare policies, and individual capacity to advance preferences, as cultural norms do not encourage them to jointly own and manage family wealth.
Our study indicates that increasing women's economic opportunities won’t change political representation without addressing the social norms that prevent them from controlling wealth.
Kerala’s success in dealing with the pandemic might be related to the relative female economic autonomy that is engrained in its society, not least because of its erstwhile cultural history of matriliny.
Yet across most of India, women’s economic exclusion – exacerbated by COVID-19 – limits social resilience.
Just as COVID-19 places the successful initiatives of elected women leaders at the heart of India’s rare contemporary achievements, we cannot afford to let the pandemic’s reduction in socially sanctioned female control over wealth push women outside of politics.
(Rachel Brulé is a professor at Boston University, and Nikhar Gaikwad is an Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science at Columbia University. This is an opinion piece, and the views expressed are the author’s own. The Quint neither endorses nor is responsible for them. The research on which this article is based is available on the website of the Journal of Politics, here.)
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Published: 14 Jun 2021,07:07 PM IST