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"'One nation one election' may only be a one-time pleasure, it is not worth the pain," senior Supreme Court advocate Sanjay Hegde told The Quint.
The proposal of 'one nation one election' gained a significant boost after the Centre set up a panel led by former President Ram Nath Kovind to study its applicability on Saturday, 2 September.
In this explainer, The Quint tries to answer three important questions arising from speculations that 'one nation one election' could become a reality.
How will it be implemented?
What are the legal hurdles?
What are the logistical challenges?
The Centre has called for a special session of the Parliament from 18-22 September. While there is no official word on the agenda of the session, speculations are rife that it may table a Bill concerning 'one nation one election'. If it does so, what might the Bill include?
1. Amendments: "The legislation would definitely have to have Constitutional Amendments, which fixes the terms of legislatures. There are people who have estimated that at least five articles of the Constitution would have to be amended, if not more, Hegde said.
These include:
Article 83 (2), which states that the Lok Sabha's term should not exceed five years, but the House can be dissolved before the completion of its term.
Article 85 (2) (B), which states that dissolution ends the term of the existing House and a new House will be formed after general elections.
Article 172 (1), which states that a state Assembly will continue for a period of five years unless it is dissolved sooner.
Article 174 (2) (B), which states that the Governor enjoys the power to dissolve a state Assembly on the aid and advice of the Cabinet.
Article 356, which deals with the imposition of President's Rule in a particular state.
Former Election Commissioner OP Rawat, talking to news agency ANI, opined,
Requirements for Constitutional Amendments to pass:
At least two-third members of the House must be present at the time of voting.
Consensus of all political parties and state governments is required.
If the Amendment passes in Parliament, it needs to be ratified by the Assemblies of at least half of the states in India.
2. Logistical provisions: Further, the legislation might itself provide for a fixed date or a method of ascertaining a fixed date to hold elections.
3. Subsidiary matters: Thirdly, the legislation may include provisions for administrative support. "For instance, why is it that elections are not held around April and May? It's because schools are not available at that time (in the form of polling booths) because it is exam time," Hegde said.
“Implementation of 'one nation one election' may lead to focussed governance for the people – and the political leaders and administration will have more time on their hands," Rawat told ANI.
However, the proposal is in itself a logistically painstaking task.
The first requirement for 'one nation one election' is to synchronise the terms of Parliament and all state legislatures across the country. In order to do that, a date will have to be decided from which all terms will be in sync. However, deciding the date is not as easy as it seems.
Another hurdle, according to Hegde, could be the deployment of paramilitary forces.
Meanwhile, some experts said holding elections simultaneously could help reduce costs significantly, too, making it a positive move. They further added that "elections at different times hamper development as new schemes and policies cannot be introduced during elections" – making 'one nation one election' a viable move.
Even if the Centre devises ways to overcome the logistical hurdles, it is still half the battle won. One nation one election is still a legally daunting task. Why?
What if a party loses majority or a vote of confidence in a particular legislature after two years in power, and a new party comes to power?
What if a party loses power and the Opposition does not have the numbers to form a government?
"If one party loses a majority or a vote of confidence in the House and the other parties are unable to come up with an alternative, then you are left with two rather undemocratic options," Hegde said.
The first is that a government continues without having the confidence of the House.
The second is, in the case of states, the Governor can assume power. But in the Centre there is no such provision, he added.
"Since 1967, it started going out of sync... The Election Commission had in the year 1982-83 put forward a suggestion to bring an amendment (to the relevant law), so that 'one nation one election' can again be held simultaneously. The suggestion did not fructify then," former election commissioner Rawat added.
In addition to the challenges stated above,
What if the state Assemblies refuse to be dissolved before their five-year terms are over?
Can the Assemblies be dissolved without their consent?
"There has been a previous instance, in 1977, when the Janata Party government came to power. It advised all the states where the Congress had lost to seek a fresh mandate from the people. That was challenged in the Supreme Court in the state of Rajasthan's case. Given the circumstances at that point of time, the Supreme Court upheld it," Hegde said.
However, he cast aspersions about whether something like this will be upheld just for the sake of synchronising elections.
Supreme Court lawyers Nipun Saxena and Pradeep Rai, too, pointed out similar problems in their conversation with CNBC. The idea of 'one nation, one election' must factor in situations where there will be defections within political parties, emergency declared in states and Union Territories, President’s Rule, no-confidence motions, or any other situation, that could lead to dissolution of central or state governments, they said.
Moreover, whether one nation one election will pass the 'basic structure' doctrine of the Indian Constitution is a highly debatable question.
"A parliamentary form of democracy is part of the basic structure. Essential to the parliamentary form is that the government of the day must demand the confidence of the House. And if a situation arises where there is no such government possible, recourse to the people must always be available," Hegde told The Quint.
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